Politics

Richard Holbrooke: a complicated man but one who stood up for public service

The media portrayals miss the real person, someone who could be prickly and extremely ambitious. But he was also a public servant who performed at a high level for a long time, who cared about doing constructive work, and who could be counted on to tackle the hardest assignments.

Sponsorship

by

Ted Van Dyk

The media portrayals miss the real person, someone who could be prickly and extremely ambitious. But he was also a public servant who performed at a high level for a long time, who cared about doing constructive work, and who could be counted on to tackle the hardest assignments.

The electronic and print commentary about Ambasador Richard Holbrooke's death on Monday has come for the most part from people who knew him only in his official roles. The real person seems missing.

Holbrooke,  69 when he died, held a long series of key diplomatic positions, only  the most recent of which was his role as the State Department's  Pakistan/Afghan czar. He also made money on Wall Street, wrote books  and articles, avidly sought publicity, and was a complex character  worthy of a serious biography. He was the single most ambitious person I  ever have met in public service, exceeding in that regard  any presidential candidate. But he also had a genuine desire to serve  and I never doubted for a moment that he not only wanted to be important  but also wanted to do constructive, important things.

I first  met Holbrooke early in 1965, while I was serving as then-Vice President Hubert  Humphrey's assistant. Holbrooke, seven years younger than I, at that  time was a junior National Security Council staff member in the Lyndon B. Johnson  White House, working for Bob Komer, who ran Operation Phoenix and other  covert, hard-side programs in the Vietnam War.  (That was a remarkably  talented NSC staff including, among others, Larry Eagleburger, who later  would serve as President Bush the Elder's secretary of state).

The  Komer/Holbrooke office was just down the hall from the Vice President's  suite and Holbrooke frequently stopped by my office.  He already at  that point was an active networker.  On one occasion he saw on my wall a  large relief map of Vietnam.  He asked if he could have it.  The next  day, as I passed the Komer/Holbrooke office door, I saw it in their  reception area, hanging above an AK-47 rifle. Later Holbrooke would  identify himself as an avid Vietnam dove. While working for Komer, he  had been a part of the most hawkish side of that war.

In  subsequent years I encountered Holbrooke often. After his LBJ  administration stint, he left the Foreign Service and cast his career  lot with Democratic presidential aspirants.  He volunteered for  presidential campaigns I was serving as policy director or platform  coordinator.  Holbrooke made his career breakthrough when, after the 1976  election of President Jimmy Carter, he was named Assistant  Secretary for Asian Affairs by a former boss, Secretary of State Cyrus  Vance.  (Holbrooke had been a staff member for Averell Harriman and  Vance during their time as Vietnam peace negotiators in Paris).

During  the same period I was coordinating Executive Branch foreign-assistance  programs and writing speeches for Vance.  At one point, Holbrooke  suggested I join him on an early-1977 confidential mission to Hanoi. I  figured he wanted me to commit foreign aid to the Hanoi regime and I  declined the trip, thinking it premature. Later, after President  Reagan's inaugural, Vance was chair and I president of an unofficial  Democratic Party think-tank; Holbrooke was the first to volunteer for  work on a foreign-policy task force.

Holbrooke's highest moment  came with the Balkan peace settlement, which he achieved after long and  taxing negotiations in Dayton, Ohio. The so-called Dayton Accords came  at a time when all had given up on them. Later in the Clinton  Administration, Secretary of State Warren Christopher resigned.   Holbrooke, former Democratic Senate leader and Northern Ireland peace  negotiator George Mitchell, and U.N. Ambassador Madeleine Albright were  finalists as his replacement. Of the three, Holbrooke had by far the  longest and deepest foreign-policy exerience.

But Albright, backed by  Hillary Clinton, who had sponsored her earlier for the U.N. job, was  chosen. It was a hard blow for Holbrooke. (He obviously drew a lesson  from the experience, signing up early for Hillary's 2008 presidential  nominating campaign against Barack Obama).

Holbrooke was a  highly intelligent person, with great energy and physical endurance, and  with good writing skills. His internal written and research work, as I  observed it, however, often was late or careless.  He compensated for  that with a plowing-forward, relentless operating style that  pushed obstacles — and slower or less aggressive  career competitors — aside. Those who worked for or with him will  recount many stories featuring Holbrooke as bully or opportunist.

I  never personally encountered Holbrooke's prickly side, however, until he had written a biography of former Defense Secretary and  Washington, D.C. insider Clark Clifford. He gave me an autographed copy  of the book and asked that I flag any mistakes or misinterpretations in  it; he would correct them in a second printing.  When I did as he  asked, however, he sent back a long and angry letter  defending every particular of his original copy.

Was Holbrooke  brilliant? No more than many others. Was he effective? Yes. Did he  have a fulfilling life?  Hard to say. He had three marriages and, thus, was often separated from two sons he loved dearly. Friends and colleagues  from his early career became alienated or fell away as he rose. He  never got to be Secretary of State, which was his life goal.

Someone  once asked me, as prospective appointees were being discussed, if  Holbrooke would be a good Secretary of State. I said no, his ego would  cloud his judgment on sensitive issues. But, I said, he should be given  the most challenging, difficult assignments imaginable because he would  regard failure in them as simply unacceptable.  
 
He came through on the Balkans. I suspect the frustrations and  possibilities of failure with his Pakistan-Afghanistan assignment contributed to  the fatal attack he experienced last weekend. Dick Holbrooke, as many  others at or near the top, was a driven man of many parts. The bottom  line should read that he never stopped pushing and performed public  service, over a long period, at a high level. And, in a real fight or tight spot, he was a man to have on your side.

Ted Van Dyk

By Ted Van Dyk

Ted Van Dyk has been active in national policy and politics since 1961, serving in the White House and State Department and as policy director of several Democratic presidential campaigns. He is auth