Politics

Hope springs eternal. Or does it?

With crises ongoing in Libya, Japan, and the halls of government here at home, it's hard for the rational mind to embrace the perennial season of hope.

Hope springs eternal. Or does it?
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by

Ted Van Dyk

With crises ongoing in Libya, Japan, and the halls of government here at home, it's hard for the rational mind to embrace the perennial season of hope.

With spring comes hope. But, this early spring, I find myself hoping  for the best but expecting the worst on several matters global and  local.

On Libya: Defense Secretary Bob Gates, just before the U.S. decision to  intervene in Libya, stated that "anyone should have his head examined"  who decided to add yet another offshore intervention to those being  undertaken in Iraq and Afghanistan, specifically citing establishment of a no-fly zone in Libya as just such an overreach.

Yet here we are, not only establishing a Libyan no-fly zone but,  contrary to early assurances, putting American special-operations teams on the ground to assist Libyan rebels. As with many other prior American  interventions, this one was begun without sufficient thought to its  ultimate endgame. By no definition does Libya represent a vital  American interest. We have no real idea about the composition of the rebel forces we are assisting or, for that matter, of an alternative  government which might succeed Col. Qaddafi's.

It could be called a  humanitarian intervention, but far worse humanitarian crises have existed  elsewhere without our involvement. And other Middle Eastern unrest has more importance than that in Libya. President Obama's  instinctive caution seems to have given way, in Libya, to a politically  correct reflex to help Qaddafi opponents, who may not be the fighters  for democracy we would like to consider them. In the process, he has  antagonized congressional leaders of both parties by leaving them out of  the decision loop. It will take blind luck to get us to a happy ending  on this one.

On Japan: The Japanese people's response to the massive earthquake and tsunami has been magnificent. Their government's response has been slow  and not satisfactorily candid. By the time the crisis is done, the  radiation damage is likely to have been far greater than presently  estimated. Damage to the Japanese and world economies also will be  great.

Any silver lining will have to be found in a worldwide check of  operating and safety standards at all existing nuclear facilities. I do  not accept bland assurances regarding safety being offered by  operators, in particular, of West Coast nuclear plants near fault lines.

On the state budget crisis: The Seattle Times last week maligned the  attempt — during efforts to reduce the massive state budget  deficit — of what it characterized as goofy, left-wing state  legislators to remove or reduce "tax expenditures" that benefit favored  companies and economic sectors. The goofies' effort, it said, would  raise taxes on business at precisely the wrong time.

Fact is, tax expenditures are called expenditures precisely because they  are in the same category as outright state-government spending. In  Washington, they total at state and local levels more than three times  the size of the state's biennial budget.

These loopholes, subsidies, and exemptions create a huge hole in the  state revenue base. Any reputable macroeconomist would tell the Times that they also create economic inefficiency (by favoring some  enterprises over others), stunt economic growth, and thus reduce overall tax revenues. More power to those who would weed them  out. But it is far more likely that human-service and related programs  will be pared instead. Microsoft, Boeing, and other companies  benefiting from the tax expenditures simply have more political juice  than the needy.

On the upcoming Seattle school levy: Seattle keeps "doing it for the  kids" and passing one school levy after another. This time our mayor  and City Council are sponsoring a new $231 million Families and Education Levy on the November  ballot. It is hard to be optimistic, in the present economic  environment, about the measure's voter approval or, if it should be  approved, the difference it would make in a Seattle school system beset  by scandal and outright incompetence.

Voters will ask: What difference would another $231 million make in  reducing unacceptable dropout and graduation rates, improving basic reading and math skills, rooting out bad teachers and principals,  and generating performance by an overstaffed, overpaid, and complacent  central bureacracy?  Would the money force the teachers union to accept  performance standards for its members? The present School Board is far  stronger than the one that preceded it. But until it quite literally  sets higher standards for, and demands stronger performance by, system  administrators and teachers, it is hard to imagine any amount of fresh  money making a difference. What is required is a drastic cultural  change.

On Yesler Terrace: Yesler Terrace, as it presently exists, is as much about Seattle as the Seattle Public Market was at the time it was saved from modernization plans. The Seattle Housing  Authority now proposes to bulldoze Yesler, sell part of it to private  developers, and (in time) to construct new higher-density housing to  accommodate the present and other residents.

Several critics have characterized this as a destroy-the-village-in-order-to-save-it  strategy. The Terrace has existed since 1941 and has accommodated many  thousands of low-income residents of all races and ethnicities. It  stands as a symbol of the country's and city's commitment to higher aspirations and instincts. I am surprised, frankly, that Mayor McGinn and council members would buy into a plan which might, in the short term, generate new city tax revenues but, in the long term, take away part of our city's soul.

On our Mariners: After spending several days watching the Mariners at spring  training, I can attest that Eric Wedge, their new manager, is a  no-nonsense professional who will get the most from his players, and that  the team's starting pitching, in particular, should be strong. There also are some promising young players perhaps a half-season away from big-league competence.

The team will not be as weak-hitting as last year's was. That would be  impossible. But it still lacks power in its batting order.

And, starting the season, its relief pitching is problematic. I would  like to hope otherwise but it is difficult to see the 2011 Mariners  finishing anything but last in the American League West and, at best,  winning 10 more games than in 2010.

This will be a year to take pleasure in the individual professionalism of Felix Hernandez and  Ichiro Suzuki, and the incremental improvement of players who will form  the core of the 2012 and 2013 Mariners.

Ted Van Dyk

By Ted Van Dyk

Ted Van Dyk has been active in national policy and politics since 1961, serving in the White House and State Department and as policy director of several Democratic presidential campaigns. He is auth