Politics

Best of Crosscut 2010: What sort of leadership can restore public trust?

Washington voters showed again that they don't trust the leadership with their tax money, something that has been the case for more than a decade since the construction of Safeco Field. Changing the way that the state does business is something that can't be avoided any longer.

Best of Crosscut 2010: What sort of leadership can restore public trust?
Advertisement

by

Jordan Royer

Washington voters showed again that they don't trust the leadership with their tax money, something that has been the case for more than a decade since the construction of Safeco Field. Changing the way that the state does business is something that can't be avoided any longer.

Editor's Note: This is one of a series of "Best Crosscuts of 2010"  we are running through the holidays. This article originally appeared  Nov. 30, 2010.

According to The Economist, the National League of Cities is predicting layoffs of 500,000 workers from local governments in the next few years. I find that an  astounding number.

People  are mad at government and want change. And they are willing to hurt themselves  to make the point. If we are going to move forward, it's important to understand how we got into this fix.

We  know the anger, perplexing though it sometimes appears, is real and has the potential to be very destructive. Its full  expression was seen not just in the recent elections but also in the constant drumbeat of  stories about the lack of capacity for government to solve problems and the  pressure that government salaries, staffing levels, and pension liabilities are putting on the private sector. Many of our citizens believe that government is no  longer on their side — a tragedy, given that government is our  creation.

Some  leaders understand this and are trying to move forward, past the  conflict.

State  Rep. Reuven Carlyle, D-Seattle, described the conflict this way in a recent visit with Crosscut writers, "The social contract between public employees and the  private sector has been broken." He went on to say there has always been an  understanding that public employees would sacrifice higher wages in the private  sector for job security and better health and retirement benefits. Now, people  outside government see government employees as having it all while taxpayers  struggle to stay afloat and keep up with utility bills and rent. They simply  don't see a serious effort by government to  change.

Carlyle  provided some hints at what kinds of discussions the budget crisis will necessitate: He expects more pressure for department functions to  be supported by user fees, even though passage of I-1053 mandates that fees must  be approved by the legislature. Any cost-of-living adjustments should be contingent  on what's happening with the economy.  Health-care costs will have to be controlled and state workers will likely have  to pay a greater share. The state pension system will have to be reformed. And  finally, the state must address structural issues; the state should not  duplicate what other levels of government or the private sector can do  better.

And  there are many things that government does incredibly well. So well, in fact,  that it often goes unnoticed.

Consider  Seattle Public Utilities, regional water provider. Since the 1970s, we have added  1 million new users to the system but we still use the same amount of  water.

How  would we ever have cleaned up Lake Washington without adequate funding for  government programs to get the job done? Could that happen in the current  political environment? Do we have the will to restore and protect Puget Sound?

If we want to deal successfully with current problems, we have to figure how to chart a new course.  Carlyle has some interesting ideas. First, think of government as a  service delivery organization and not so much as a jobs program – meaning  staffing levels are secondary to the service. Second, services that are improved  by the profit motive should be privatized and those that are degraded by the  profit motive should be delivered by government. This will focus priorities and  leave more capacity to deliver quality services to  taxpayers.

I  am surprised that even now, some elected officials are still blaming the voters  for making stupid decisions at the ballot box and angrily pronouncing the  painful cuts that will come. I understand this impulse —sort of like the third  stage of the seven stages of grief: anger and bargaining. How can the voters  not understand how devastating their decisions are to the well-being of the  state?

But  this misses the point. The people do not feel connected to the decision-making  process and don't believe the painful cuts will affect them.

I  fully expect our elected leaders, lobbyists, and constituency groups to move  through the other four stages of grief and realize that change, while painful, is inevitable. The real question is whether  the average citizen will feel that they have "skin in the game" and participate  in the change.

Citizen anger at government is not new. It has been building for the  past 30 years at least and has been fueled in part by relentless attacks by  those who see government as the enemy and all taxes as  extortion.

In  Washington state, I first noticed this dynamic in 1999, with the passage of  Initiative 695, the $30 Car Tab Initiative. This is the campaign that propelled  Tim Eyman to prominence and has led to many more initiatives since, most recently, I-1053, another tax limiting initiative. And while we blame Eyman  for sponsoring these initiatives, it is the voters who continually approve  them.

To  understand Eyman’s success, you have to go back to 1999. There was a general  feeling that state government had more money than it knew what to do with. A  Peter Hart poll done after passage of the initiative found that 71 percent of the  people thought government had either too much or enough of their money. And  while Hart didn't conclude that it was an all-out tax revolt, he cautioned those  that were looking at implementing an income tax or other tax reform policies to  be careful and do their research before proposing anything  new.

But  there was another reason, or rationale, that has been less explored. And that is  the impact of baseball, or more particularly, the building of Safeco Field. (The  bonds, which were initially scheduled to be paid back by 2016, will likely be  paid back sometime next year.)

In  1999, I was working on the No on 695 campaign. I was not one of the strategists  but rather, coordinated the grassroots effort. We opened an office, coordinated  volunteers, waved signs at the ferry docks, transit hubs, baseball and football  games, home shows, and anyplace else we could think of.

I  was excited about defeating what I thought was a terrible idea that would have  long-range, negative effects on the state. I was feeling very positive about the  campaign.

It  was, without a doubt, one of the most negative experiences of my life. Outside a  Seahawks game one Sunday, I had to call off our canvassing because of the  spitting and cussing directed toward our volunteers. People were punching our  signs and generally making it known that this was war. On election night, a rock  was thrown through our front window. Okay, I got the  message.

During  the campaign, we fielded hundreds of calls from angry people who all referenced  the same issue: "We voted against the baseball stadium and you made us pay for  it anyway." This was the reasoning given by virtually everyone we talked to.  Even ferry riders, who knew that the initiative would hurt the system that they depended on,  were angry about Safeco Field. Even Mariners fans were mad about  it!

And  so, I-695 coasted to victory and would eventually decimate our ferry service and  remove support from public health services, and eliminate $2.6 billion in  transportation infrastructure funding. (It should be noted, however, that the  initiative was found to be unconstitutional and the legislature passed it and  Gov. Gary Locke signed it into law. If they had acted earlier, the same legislature and governor could have changed the license tabs collection to make it fairer and based on  the real value of the car, rather than the inflated state valuation, and possibly  stopped Eyman in his tracks.)

The  service most impacted by I-695 was probably Washington State Ferries. They lost  75 percent of their capital funding, and 25 percent of their operations funding. Over the last  ten years the system has been subsidized by gas tax revenues of $800 million –  money that could presumably be used for transportation investments elsewhere to  start to plug the $2.6 billion gap created by I-695. Ferry customers now are  dealing with less service and higher cost, not exactly great from a customer  service standpoint.

And  here's the kicker: Ferry system users are willing to pay more to protect their levels of  service. But standing in the way of any fare increase is — you guessed it — Tim  Eyman and his most recent measure, Initiative 1053. He claims the fare increase must go to the legislature for a  vote. And while I assume the legislature will go along with the Washington State  Transportation Commission's recommendation for an increase, this is no way to run a railroad, or ferry system.

Here’s  how WSF has dealt with the recent financial stresses: Over the last two years, they cut administrative  and capital programs by $27 million – the Office of Finance and Management (OFM)  is asking for another cut of $17 million in the 2011-2013 biennium. Keep in mind  that WSF has a farebox recovery rate of 65 to 70 percent of operations expenses.  This is higher than virtually any other transit agency. Of course, this still  leaves a gaping hole in capital funding, which has a way of catching up with us  in a very negative way.

It's  the same thing with our other infrastructure, whether it be water, power, roads,  sewer, parks, and buildings. We simply don't have the money to do all these  things and the people don't trust government enough to provide more funding.  They are essentially calling the bluff of elected leaders who say they don't  have the money to fund basic priorities. So the state will have to cut $5.7  billion from a biennium budget of $32.3 billion.

And  we can't raise taxes to help save basic health care for our poorest neighbors.  General assistance will likely be eliminated, forcing people into desperate  situations. But most of us won’t notice. We will see more homeless people on the  street and complain that not enough is being done, but at the heart of it,  people just don't believe elected officials or government representatives are  doing enough to reform — and just like in 1999, they think government has enough  of their money.

Entrenched  interests may thrive in the current us vs. them struggle for ideological  purity, but the voters will continue to put a pox on all our houses, including  their own, until there is evidence that real change is in the air. So long as  this is an argument between those who think government can do no wrong and  government can do no right, we cannot make the needed reforms in government.

Let's hope that we have more leaders like Carlyle willing to rise above simplistic and harsh rhetoric and show that government really is on our side and can be reformed. Those leaders are out there, waiting for the chance to take bigger roles in the legislature and other offices. But even if that happens, a big question will remain: Will we allow them to lead?

Donation CTA
Jordan Royer

By Jordan Royer

Jordan Royer left city government in 2007 to accept the position of vice president for external affairs in the Seattle office of the Pacific Merchant Shipping Association, where he currently works rep